我有一个梦想

马丁·路德·金

　　今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

　　100年前，一位伟大的美国人―签署了《解放宣言》，今天我们就站在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严的宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫长黑夜。

　　然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到的自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

　　

    从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺――不论白人还是黑人――都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

　　然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票――一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。

　　因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

　　我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

　　忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。

　　如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

　　但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。

　　我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

　　席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任――因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

　　我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。

　　我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。

　　回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。

　　朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

　　我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”

　　我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。

　　我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州――一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个儿女将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

　　我今天怀有一个梦。

　　我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变――尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行――在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

　　我今天怀有一个梦。

　　我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。

　　这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

　　到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：

　　我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。

　　如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！

　　让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！

　　让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！

　　让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！

　　让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！

　　不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！

　　让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！

　　让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！

　　让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！

　　当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”

 

I have a dream

Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

　　Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.

　　But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

　　In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

　　It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds". But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check ― a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

　　It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

　　But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

　　We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

　　As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

　　I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

　　I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

　　I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

　　I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

　　I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

　　I have a dream today.

　　I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

　　I have a dream today.

　　I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

　　This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

　　This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.

　　My country, ’ tis of thee,

　　Sweet land of liberty,

　　Of thee I sing:

　　Land where my fathers died,

　　Land of the pilgrims’ pride,

　　From every mountainside

　　Let freedom ring.

　　And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire .

　　Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York !

　　Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

　　Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

　　Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California !

　　But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

　　Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

　　Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi !

　　From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

　　When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”

 

 

马丁·路德·金

马丁·路德·金，将“非暴力”（ nonviolence ）和“直接行动”（ direct action ）作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。

1929 年 1 月 15 日，马丁·路德·金在亚特兰大（ Atlanta ）出生。他是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯（ Rev. A.D. Williams ）的外孙，威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会（ Ebenezer Baptist Church ）的牧师和全国有色人种协进会（ NAACP ）亚特兰大分会的发起人；他是老马丁·路德·金（ Martin Luther King, Sr. ）的儿子，老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师。金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。

15岁时聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位（1948年马丁·路德·金获得莫尔豪斯大学学士学位）。1951年他又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位，1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。在学习中，他加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地（ Mahatma Gandhi ）在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。

　　1953年，金和柯瑞塔·斯科特（ Coretta Scott ）结婚。第二年，他在阿拉巴马州（ Alabama ）蒙哥马利（ Montgomery ）的德克斯特大街浸信会（ Dexter Avenue Baptist Church ）当了一名牧师。1955年，金获得了系统神学的博士学位。

　　1955年12月5日，民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯（ Rosa Parks ）拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策，在此之后，黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动（ bus boycott ）并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会（ Montgomery Improvement Association ）的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年，金因其领导地位而名声大噪。1956年12月，美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法，蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。

　　为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展，金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议（ Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SCLC ）。 1959 年，金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底，金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大，和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。

　　1960年，黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议（ sit-in protests ）的浪潮，这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会（ Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC ）的形成。金支持学生运动，并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕金，但他们不满于金自上而下的领导作风，进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问，曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克（ Ella Baker ）向其他民权组织代表阐明，学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动”（ Freedom Rides ）中，金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评，加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动（ Albany Movement ）中继续着。

　　1963年春天，金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰（ Birmingham ）领导了群众示威。此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突，作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪（ President Kennedy ）对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应，他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求，这促成了1964年民权法案（ Civil Rights Act of 1964 ）的通过。稍后，在1963年8月28日，群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”（ March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom ）的运动过程中达到高潮，此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上，金发表了“我有一个梦想”（ I Have a Dream ）的著名演讲。

　　金的声望随着 1963 年成为时代周刊（ Time magazine ）的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖（ Nobel Peace Prize ）而持续上升。然而，除了名气和赞美，运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·爱克斯（ Malcolm X ）的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣，城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时，金还要面对“黑人权力”运动（ Black Power ）发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔（ Stokely Carmichael ）的公开批评。

　　不仅金的努力效果受到黑人领导层分裂状况的干扰，而且他也遭受到来自国家行政领导人日渐增强的阻挠。1967年城市种族间暴力升级， 美国联邦调查局（ FBI ） 主管埃德加·胡佛（ J. Edgar Hoover ）则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评，使得他与林德·约翰逊（ Lyndon Johnson ）政府关系紧张。

　　1967 年年底，金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动（ Poor People's Campaign ），这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年，在支持孟菲斯（ Memphis ）清洁工人的罢工中，他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”（ I've Been to the Mountaintop ）。第二天，1968年4月4日 ，金被刺杀。

 

摘自“百度百科” http://baike.baidu.com/view/81787.htm

文章来源：中国宪政网 发布时间：2010/1/24